Nor will this overwhelming tendency to do wrong for the wrong's sake admit of analysis, or resolution into ulterior elements. It is a radical, a primitive impulse--elementary. Lenormand et Poe ne veulent point indiquer que M. Que M. Mais des primitifs, des impulsifs? Enfin elle tue la jeune fille, sans remords. Mais en ce faisant, il risque deux choses: ou de tuer l'individu conscient, ou d'ouvrir la bonde aux puissances du mal.
En elle la force combative ou vertueuse c.
Tu m'as dit un jour que je ne trouverai l'apaisement que dans la destruction. La Dent rouge. Ce sont les exceptions de notre vie. Mais que manifestent ces exceptions, si ce n'est l'existence d'une autre vie plus bouillonnante.
II n'est pas seul. Que serons les classiques nouveaux? This practice was due, in part, to the close contact with the Mohammedan peoples, whose piracies were directed mainly toward the acquisition of captives for enslavement and ransom. Historically, this was also the case in other countries bordering on the Mediterranean. In the eighth century, a market for Mohammedan slaves was established at Rome, and the Roman example was followed in the next century by Provence, Catalonia, and various Italian cities.
La famille, invention humaine ou dessein divin · Victor Larger, Philippe Despine · Editions du net; 4 Mai ; Les belles annes coll bleue french edition. La famille invention humaine ou dessein divin french edition.. Ld wwwnordrheinlandam november in erkelenzrichter.
The object of the present paper is to examine Lope's treatment of the slave, in order to gain some knowledge of slavery as it existed in his day, and also to get an insight into Lope's artistic manner when he is dealing with this subject. Additional information will be adduced from other sources, for comparison and corroboration.
Accordingly, slaves were often sold in Lope's day with the qualification that they had been captured en buena guerra, this qualification being a salve for the conscience Cf. The New Edition of the Academy bas not been accessible to me. Illustration of this point of view is common in Lope. Thus, cautivo is often synonymous with esclavo.
We remember the stories of Christian slaves languishing in Moorish hands, but there was another side to the picture. We may assume that this was a common sight on the Seville waterfront, as the play opens with a series of realistic and typical dramatic scenes. That there was considerable odium attached to the traffic in negro slaves, undoubtedly because they could hardly be considered captives of just warfare, may be gathered from the indignation of the captain in Esclava, II, iii, who is horrified at the idea that he would deal in black slaves. Since he is offering a white slave for sale at the time, the distinction seems rather specious.
However, it illustrates the point of view of the day. He maintained that none of the Indian wars had been just, and consequently, that no captive of any of these wars should have been enslaved. According to Manuel Chaves. El molino, III, iv.
Lope, however, introduces slaves as such only for the development of the plot, or for comic relief. For example, in Melindres, I, i, a wealthy widow decides, after marrying off her children, to retire to the country with a female slave and an escudero as her sole companions. Likewise, in La Dorotea, III, iv, the most important evidence of Dorotea's newly found prosperity is the presence in the house of two slaves.
Most of the slaves mentioned are Moors. Several are children bom in slavery. One comes from Biafra, and another from as far away as Malacca. The black slaves come from Guinea, the historic Slave-coast. According to Esclava, II, iii, it would seem that rnerchants, soldiers, and sea captains brought slaves to Spain as a speculation. One method of selling them may be seen in Virtud, II, xvi, where the master, a slave, and an auctioneer go about the streets, while the auctioneer offers the slave for sale.
Slaves were sometimes branded with an S and a line clavo , stenographic for esclavo. Yet, it is clear from Lope's plays that slaves were not necessarily branded. We may take it for granted, in the case of free persons disguised as slaves in the plays, that they assume fictitious brands in order to make their change of state more convincing. Furthermore, branding is specifically mentioned 13 as a punishment for the refractory, and as a deterrent for runaways. The practice is called cruel in one instance, and is decried in another, because of the difficulty in selling a branded slave.
Lope also informs us that the brands, where they occur, were not uniform either in shape or situation. We find, for example, slaves branded on the chin. Only the clavo is mentioned in these cases, the S being omitted. Lope never mentions or indicates the owner's initiais or mark. This variation of brands is corroborated by Las Casas. He also declares that on at least one occasion, after the arrivai of a royal order prohibiting the branding or enslavement of Indians, the governor branded a group awaiting shipment with a mark indicating that they were exiles.
Many of the slaves are industrious, skilled, and intelligent. They are closely bound to their masters, and have their full conndence. The slaves are employed in the kitchen, laundryroom, and stable. They serve visitors and wait on table.
An especially desirable qualification in a slave is the ability to sing, play, and dance, as music and Melindres, II, vit, xxiv; Esclavo, Acad. This skill is possessed by practically every slave. The attitude of the slaveholder toward the religious ideas of his slaves is interesting, in view of the period in which Lope lived.
It would appear that there was no intolerance in this regard: we find non-Christian slaves.
Of course, there were people who would not allow a heathen in their homes under any circumstances. Apparently his lot would be easier if he were. Likewise, a Christian slave would be more tractable and scrupulous, all other things being equal. It is interesting to note that in one instance, too ready an acceptance of Christianity is regarded with suspicion.
The prices at which the slaves are sold do not offer us much light on the subject, since the price is never mentioned unless the slave is white and exceptionally talented. Sometimes, a sentimental factor enters.
However, in Virtud, II, xvi, the dealer asks six hundred ducats, a price which is said by a merchant present to be higher than any ever before paid. This merchant offers four hundred, and the reader infers that even this price is extremely high. The five hundred ducats paid for the slave in Esclava, II, iv, is said to be very high also, though in this case and in Melindres, I, xiv, where two slaves are valued at two thousand ducats, sentiment is again the ruling factor.
This was Dorotea, I, i. M San Diego de.
Cervantes gives us another word for this punishment, lardear, and indicates that it was a regular punishment of the fugitive slave. W'e learn also that this punishment was not for slaves alone, since it was a ready method for extorting information.
The more refractory slaves were compelled to wear an iron collar around their necks, sometimes with an iron bar attached to it. The slaveholder could, of course, free his slaves whenever he pleased. In Porfiar, II, vii, the mistress writes out the freedom of a slave and gives it to her without ceremony. Many slaveholders undoubtedly included in their wills a provision for the enfranchisement of their slaves. There was ample Biblical authority for this practice.